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Spanish Phalanx for the National-Syndicalist Offensive Board

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Este artículo trata sobre Falange histórica. Para la formación actual, refundada en 1976, véase Falange Española de las JONS (1976).
Para otros usos de este término, véase Falange (desambiguación).
Falange Española de las JONS
Partidos
creadores		 FE
JONS
Sede Madrid
País Spain
Female Organization Female Section
Publicación Arriba
1 Integration of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista.

Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (in English:The Spanish Phalanx for the National-Syndicalist Offensive Board, commonly known as Falange Española de las JONS and, abbreviated, FE de las JONS or FE-JONS, was a Spanish political party that would share the ideology of fascism[1]​[2]​ y National Syndicalist, resulting in the fusion of the National Syndicalist Offensive Boards (JONS) of Onésimo Redondo and Ramiro Ledesma Ramos with Spanish Phalanx (FE) of José Antonio Primo de Rivera on February 15, 1934.

The period of the Second Republic played an important role in the development of the events that led up to the Spanish Civil War. It was born with the support of reactionary forces and right-wing parties who used it as a surprise.[3]​ It did not achieve significant popular support, but its frequent raids and clashes with the most radical groups of the left, mainly with youth organizations, and its violent acts and assassinations contributed to creating a climate of insecurity and violence propitious to military attempts.[4]​[5]​ With the triumph of the Popular Front in February 1936, the youth of the right-wing formations, mainly of the CEDA, considering that the «moderation» of their parties had not stopped the left, expanded their ranks and their violent actions multiplied, creating a situation of instability which, amplified by right-wing media and politicians, provided good coverage for the conspirators.[6]​[7]​

Joan Maria Thomàs defines the party as «an authentic fascist movement, anti-left, anti-democratic, anti-separatist.., but also anti-conservative that intended to begin a mass movement and capture at least a part of the enemy "masses"..., starting with anarcho-syndicalists (mistakenly considered as the more "Spanish") or gesturing at the socialist leader who was considered more patriotic, Indalecio Prieto».[8]​

The Falange, through its leader and co-founder, José Antonio Primo de Rivera, collaborated in the different conspiracies and military attempts to overthrow the Republic. In the last months, with the conspiracy that would lead to the uprising that was already underway, and with the Falange virtually excluded, Primo de Rivera was actively trying to get it to play a more decisive role. In contact with the conspirators from the prison of Alicante, where he was imprisoned, he alternated communiqués begging for a prompt uprising, with conditions to join the conspiracy that the military did not meet. Finally, an announcement on July 17 called on his organizations to join the coup, accepting an auxiliary role.10

A group of Spaniard men, some soldiers and others civilians, do not was to witness the total dissolution of the homeland. It stands today against the treacherous, inept, cruel and unjust governments that is ruining the homeland. […] Worker, laborers, intellectuals, soldiers, sailors, guardians of the country: hand in your resignation to it before the government sinks us with it and come together with us as one great and free united Spain. May God help us! Come on Spain!
José Antonio Primo de Rivera. July 17, 1936.

Obras (del Río 1974). Pgs. 951-952.</ref>

In the course of the Civil War, the Falange fought at the front under the military command of the rebels and took repressive acts in the rearguard, carrying out parades and executions.[9]​[10]​

In 1937, Franco, already General of the armies and proclaimed Head of the Spanish State, was looking for an organization that would also allow him to take political power and perpetuate his leadership once the war was over. Taking advantage of the struggles and clashes in its leadership, he decreed its unification with the Carlist movement, thus forming Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (FET y de las JONS), becoming its supreme leader.[11]​

Ideology

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José Antonio Primo de Rivera, fundador de Falange Española y primer jefe nacional.
The Right was reorganized and formed (in english: The National Offensive Trade Unions) the las Juntas Ofensivas Nacional Sindicalistas (JONS), supported by the church and military. The Phalanx was created and led by José Antonio Primo de Rivera, son of the former Spanish dictator, with a clear fascist and Nazi position, but later it was nuanced with the argument that, above all, the organization was Spanish.
Octavio Rodríguez Araujo, Derecha y ultraderecha en el mundo.[12]​

The Falange ideology is national syndicalism. It was like the Italian fascism with components taken from Catholicism. José Antonio Primo de Rivera, its founder, was interested in the Italian-likefascism and in its early days no one opposed to use the label "fascist".[13]​[14]​ To the historian, Payne, the Falange was not different fundamentally from the italian fascist party, at times using the same rhetoric.[15]​ Nevertheless, Falangism had its own characteristics.[16]​ It was characterized by its Catholicism.[17]​Also the unity of Spain is also stated in the second programmatic point: "Spain is a unity of destiny in the universe". And to the imperialism characteristic of other fascist movements, stated in the third point (We have the will of empire… We claim for Spain a preeminent position in Europe"), it adds a pan-Hispanic trait: "With respect to the countries of Latin America, we tend to the unification of culture, economic interests and power.[18]​ Unlike other fascisms and in spite of its rhetoric, the Falange did not pretend a "New State" and a "new man", but these would be the consequence of Catholic traditionalism.[19]​

The Falange advocated the creation of a totalitarian Union State in which the class struggle would be overcome by the Vertical Union, which would bring together in the same body employers and workers organized by branches of production. The ownership of the means of production would be unionized and administered in a self-management manner. Being historically financed mainly by capital and having considerable affinities with the rest of the forces of the radical right, it had always manifested a demagogic repulse of capitalism.[19]​ Its political ideology is joined as a populist element by an ambiguous program of social reforms characterized by the Falangists as "revolutionary".[19]​

FE de las JONS elaboró un guion de 27 puntos a modo de programa.[20]​ Los primeros tres puntos hacen referencia a la unidad de la nación y al Imperio:

  1. ↑
    El mismo José Antonio en el momento de la fundación de FE era más un reaccionario que un fascista. Los primeros militantes de Falange fueron aristócratas (marqués de Bolorque, marqués de la Eliseda, Sancho Dávila…), y solo con la incorporación de Ledesma y las circunstancias, sobre todo europeas, convirtieron en fascistas al inicial grupo derechista y reaccionario.
    Alonso Lazo Díaz 1998, p.51
  2. ↑ Preston, 2011, p. 106
  3. ↑
    Tras la unificación [de FE con las JONS], FE-JONS se organizó mediante una estructura de tipo paramilitar, con milicias que disponían de sus propios mandos e instructores. Los falangistas se denominaban entre sí «camaradas», y el tuteo era norma entre ellos. A los triunviratos se les rendía honores a la usanza militar. Y se organizaron grupos especiales de milicia, la llamada «Falange de la Sangre». Sin embargo, su activismo era juzgado insuficiente por las derechas.
    González Cuevas, 2000, p 130.
  4. ↑ Error en la cita: Etiqueta <ref> no válida; no se ha definido el contenido de las referencias llamadas desestabilizacion
  5. ↑
    Es posible que el movimiento fundado por José Antonio Primo de Rivera tardara en emprender el camino hacia el empleo sistemático de la violencia. Pero Falange fue uno de los principales partidos que la practicó durante el segundo bienio. Desde un principio empleó un lenguaje violento que resultó provocativo porque existía ya en España la imagen de lo que estaba sucediendo en otras latitudes y una táctica de confrontación callejera contra el adversario de izquierdas que podía llegar al asesinato. Los primeros muertos entre los lectores y repartidores de prensa falangista se produjeron en enero de 1934, y sólo en junio mataron los falangistas, pero esa posibilidad existió en el movimiento desde un principio, como se prueba por el hecho de que las fichas de afiliación contenían la mención de que el que la rellenaba tenía (o no) "bicicleta" (es decir, pistola).
    Tusell, 1999, Cap.: Fascismo en España.
  6. ↑ Error en la cita: Etiqueta <ref> no válida; no se ha definido el contenido de las referencias llamadas violencia_1936
  7. ↑
    A partir de febrero de 1936, los grupos de extrema derecha ya mencionados, que en su momento lograron la ayuda fascista italiana, redoblaron sus esfuerzos por organizar una conspiración capaz de liquidar las instituciones republicanas mediante la violencia.
    Tusell, 1999, Cap.: La conspiración contra la República.
  8. ↑ Thomàs, 2010, p. 142.
  9. ↑ Error en la cita: Etiqueta <ref> no válida; no se ha definido el contenido de las referencias llamadas represion
  10. ↑ Egaña, Iñaki (2009). «Falangistas, los matarifes de Franco». Los crímenes de Franco en Euskal Herria, 1936-1940. Txalaparta. p. 163. ISBN 9788481365597. «Años más tarde, y según relata José Manuel Sabín, el dirigente falangista Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta reconocía: «en aquellos momentos siempre hacíamos el trabajo sucio, como el de llevar a cabo los fusilamientos, no todos, pero sí la mayoría. Siempre éramos los falangistas los que teníamos que fusilar en lugar de ser los demás».» 
  11. ↑ «La Segunda República Española (1931 - 1936), Guerra Civil (1936 - 1939) y Franquismo (1939 - 1975)». Historia de España (1ª edición). Barcelona, España: Vicens Vives. 2009. ISBN 978-84-316-9037-3. 
  12. ↑ Octavio Rodríguez Araujo, Derechas y ultraderechas en el mundo, Editorial Siglo XXI, México 2004, ISBN 968-23-2519-6 p. 157.
  13. ↑ Payne 1995. P. 204
  14. ↑ En 1934 Primo de Rivera escribiría en Cruzada: "El fascismo es una inquietud en Europa, una manera nueva de concebir todo: La Historia, el Estado, la llegada del proletariado a la vida pública; una manera nueva de concebir los fenómenos de nuestra época e interpretarlos con sentido propio". En Thomas. P. 136
  15. ↑ Payne 1995. P. 205
  16. ↑ No se puede negar que el falangismo poseyera ciertas características propias, pero éstas no impidieron que compartiera casi todos los rasgos y las características que conformarían el inventario del fascismo genérico. Al ser hipernacionalistas, todos los grupos fascistas revelaban, por definición, ciertos rasgos nacionales distintos.<Payne 1995(b). Pg. 330
  17. ↑ Payne 1995(b). Pg. 330
  18. ↑ De los 27 puntos programáticos en la fusión de FE con las JONS. En Payne 1997. Pg. 226
  19. ↑ a b c RAH, p.104.
  20. ↑ Los 27 puntos están recogidos de La guerra de España en sus documentos. Fernando Díaz-Plaja. Plaza & Janés. Barcelona 1969. Pgs. 238-243
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